5.3 From class system to rigid caste system
The period other than witnessing the
struggles between the astikas, nastikas and various other philosophies to
garner more and more followers in the society, also witnessed a great effort to
maintain the class system and therefore to remain at the top between the
Brahmins and Kshatriyas. In Rigvedic period, both classes enjoyed similar
status in the Indo-Aryan dominated society as priests and warriors. But things
changed during the Iron Age when the society learned the use of irons and
permanent settlements were observed due to the development of agriculture. By
600 BC, the warrior class raced far ahead than the priestly class with respect
to land holding and political power. They also participated and challenged the
priestly populations in the field of spirituality and religious activities.
Though there can be always a debate on the point that who enjoyed the supreme
status in the society till the Gupta Empire, but in the republican states of
the east of the Aryavrata they were the Kshatriyas who undoubtedly occupied and
enjoyed the supreme position in society. In the enumeration of castes in the
Milindapanha (5, 122, 331), the Kshatriyas precede the Brahmins. The superior
status of the Kshatriyas is pointedly brought out in the Pali Nidanakatha (i
49) and the Sanskrit Lalitavistara (i 20) [8]. The superiority is also clear from the legend in which Buddha
wished to reborn as Kshatriya and not as Brahmin. Also in one of the Buddha’s
discourses, there is a dialogue between him and Brahmin Ambattha in which
Ambattha recognized the superiority of the Buddha’s clan. He accepted that whether
one compares women with women or men with men, the Kshatriyas are higher and
the Brahmins are inferior. Jain Suttas also say that the Kshatriyas occupied
the foremost position in society. No Tirthankara was born into a clan other
than that of Kshatriya and a legend also says that Mahavira was removed from
the womb of Brahmini Devananda and placed in the Kshatriyani Trishala as
tirthankara can not born in other clans than of Kshatriyas [9]. This legend clearly indicates the sentiment prevailing in
Jain followers of that time about the greater status of the Kshatriyas over
Brahmins.
By the time of Buddha, both occupational classes started claiming their
superiority over each other, but still there was no major rift between them in
the broader society. However the situation went to alarming levels for orthodox
Brahmins when Buddhism and Jainism led by the Kshatriya sages Buddha and
Mahavira challenged the validity of Vedic sacrifices in the liberation of
individuals. The situation was aggravated when Buddhism emerged as the faith of
the masses during Mauryan period. It created an environment in which the
existence of orthodox Brahmins became difficult. It also created a gloomy
picture for their future generations as they were surviving on the alms
received during such sacrifices. The continuous threat coming from the ruling
class on both social and religious fronts and a grim situation after the rise
of Buddhism forced priestly classes to create several myths and legends in the
form of Puranas showing superiority of them over Kshatriyas and validity of the
caste system in society. The two epics Ramayana and Mahabharata were also
edited to show the superiority of certain classes over others even though both
stories belonged to the early Vedic civilization when the occupational
superiority concept was not there within Aryan society. Some of the famous
myths propagated through these epics were killing of Kshatriyas twenty one
times by Parashurama and priest not dining with Kshatriyas even though the
latter being ruler of that region. Out of the various myths, the myth of Kalki
avatara indirectly stretched the superiority of Brahmins over the entire earth
for infinite time. The myth says that Kalki, the Brahmin and last avatara of
Vishnu, will come in the future and handover the earth back to Brahmins after
destroying all Shudras and mlechchhas who do not accept the concept of
chatur-varnya (four Varna) [10]. This myth was possibly the only instrument left in the hands
of the Brahmin class to safeguard the interest of their future generations and
to keep their rituals united in the hope of a better future. The Kalki myth
also indicates that at the time of its composition, the author was not familiar
with other major civilizations of the world and was more worried about the
regional scenarios in which his own Brahmin class was devalued in the society
with unwanted Shudras and mlechchhas (foreign tribes) disrespecting them and
not obeying their guidelines. The Manusmiriti composed after flourishing of the
Buddhism and Jainism clearly reflects the gloomy condition of Brahmin class. It
not only gave highest position to the Brahmins but goes on warning to the
Kshatriyas who in general were trying to become superior to Brahmins.
ManuSmiriti (ix 313-21) states that those who draw their power from Brahma can
destroy the Kshatriyas, should they try to rise too fast above their own
station. However understanding the limitation of the Brahmin class, it further
advises mutual collaboration between both Brahmins and Kshatriyas to become
prosper. In the words of Manusmiriti (ix 322): ‘Kshatriyas can never prosper
without the help of Brahmins. Nor can the Brahmins become prosperous without
the help of Kshatriyas. But if the Brahmins and Kshatriyas combine their
forces, they both prosper in this world and the next.’ Needless to say these
myths and legends represented nothing more than the wish fulfillment of the
Brahmin class the objective socio-historical context of their subordination to
and dependence on the power of the state represented by the Kshatriya class.
Though orthodox Brahmins created many stories showing their importance in the
society, the major changes came into effect after the composition and
acceptance of Manusmiriti in Gupta Empire.
5.4 Manusmiriti – The new code of conduct of Brahmanism
Another big development after the rise of Buddhism in India was the
creation of a new code of conduct for Brahmanism, known as Manusmiriti. In the
tradition of Brahmanism, it is claimed that Manusmiriti was a discourse given
by Manu, the progenitor of mankind, to a group of seers who all requested him
to tell the law of all social classes at the very beginning of human life. It
is said that Manu received these rules from his father Brahma and later passed
them to sage Bhirgu and his pupils. However, most historians trace the creation
of this text around 200 BC-200 AD i.e. beginning of the period of the Brahmin
Sunga dynasty over Magadha who retaliated against Buddhism. Some also dates its
creation in the beginning of the Gupta Period (200 AD-400 AD) under whom
Brahmanism revived again in northern India. These periods are remarked as one
when orthodox Brahmanism witnessed many ups and downs. Various historical
evidences support the claim of historians. The Manusmiriti mentions the Malla
and Lichchhavis (6th century BC) not following the Brahmanical rituals. During
the 3rd century BC, Chanakya of Mauryan Empire in his write-ups never mentions
the prevalence of any social law in society. Fa-Xian too around 4th century AD
recorded only Chandalas to be outcaste and untouchable due to their degrading
work, as a disposer of dead, and no other section of the population to be
notably disadvantaged or facing caste distinctions. A warning to Kshatriyas for
not giving respect to Brahmins, classification of many castes as Vratyas and
declaring the sramanas (Buddhist and Jain monks) as Shudras indicate the origin
of the Manusmiriti after the Ashoka period when Buddhism became a mass
religion. Historians believe that it was compiled by a conservative Brahmin of
north India due to the insecurity from Buddhism and Jainism. In Romila Thapar's
view, ‘The severity of the Dharma-shastras was doubtless a commentary arising
from the insecurity of the orthodox in an age of flux.’ Some historians like
Dr. Surendra Kumar claims that the original Manusmiriti written by Manu was a
very good reflection of the Hindu society but later edited a number of times
just like Ramayana and Mahabharata were edited to incorporate the new thoughts
of Brahmanism. Whatever may be the truth, the overall fact is that the present
version of Manusmiriti in spite of having many good, can be designated in the
bad category of texts belonging to the contemporary Hinduism as it unnecessary
stresses on the superiority of the Brahmins over others and advocates worst
treatments to Shudras, who make more than 75-80% of north Indian population and
more than 93% of southern Indian populations, and women and validate those
treatments as ‘words of God’. After composition, the codes of Manusmiriti
started influencing the culture of north-Indian society and to a certain extent
the society of south India too when many orthodox Brahmins, who from the Gupta
period emerged as Vishnu worshippers, started migrating and settling in these
regions. Some of the effects of Manusmiriti are -
5.4.1 Privileges and
superiority of Brahmins over others
The rise of Kshatriyas such as Buddha and Mahavira in the spiritual field
followed by patronage to these faiths by most Kshatriya Kings and the dwindling
position of orthodox Brahmins forced Manusmiriti to give the highest social
position to Brahmins. Through its various clauses, it also secures the position
of the Brahmins and their future generations from any future rebellion.
Manusmiriti (ii.135) says that even a young Brahmin boy is to be thought of as
superior to even the most wizened of Kshatriyas. A ten year old Brahmin and a
hundred year old Kshatriya should be regarded as father and son. It (vii.37)
says that the King should get up early in the morning and serve Brahmins and
work according to their directions. It (xi.83-85) says that by his origin alone
a Brahmin is a deity even for the gods and his word is authoritative for men.
Whatever exists in the world is the property of Brahmins (i.100). The verses go
on protecting the Brahmins from all types of punishment for their wrong deeds.
In the series, Brahmahatya (killing of a Brahmin) is shown as a greatest sin
and topped the lists of all sins (ix.235). A Brahmin murderer, even if his
victim was another Brahmin, should not be the subject of the death penalty.
Since these verses were shown to be given by the very creator of the Universe,
the Brahma, its sanctity was established in the society. Through repetition of
these verses on various religious occasions, the position of the Brahmins was
slowly strengthened in the society when the religion of Brahmanism was
patronized by the Guptas and later by the Rajputanas. The social position of
the Kshatriyas, which was supreme till the Mauryan period, was suddenly
degraded in this text and after that in many texts. The idea of the superiority
of the Brahmins over other classes was shown as a wish of God and the
Kshatriyas finally accepted the subordination to Brahmins when the Rajputana
era dominated the ruling clans.
5.4.2 Alliance between Brahmins and Kshatriyas
Brahmins, who lost most of their privileges after emergence of the nastika
faiths, looked for their revival through better coordination between self
(religious) and the political custodians. In this direction, Manusmiriti first
warns the Kshatriyas going against the Brahmins and showing superiority over
them. Then through Vyavaharpadas, it advocates alliance between them so that
both can rule over the society. The attempt was successful and the alliance
resulted in the rise of ‘Brahmin-Thakur’ phenomenon across northern India which
is clearly absent in the territories starting from Maharashtra, Orissa and
Bengal including the southern India where the Kshatriya population is negligent
as most of them were tagged to Shudra class. The new theme of the alliance also
resulted in new demographics across northern India and can be best described as
‘the rise of Rajputana’ immediately succeeding the Guptas and the Vardhanas.
Most Rajput clans were included in the Kshatriya class by the orthodox Brahmins
as they not only supported but also implemented the code of conduct of Manusmiriti
in the society.
5.4.3 Degradation of Kshatriyas, Brahmins and Vaishyas following other
cults
By late Vedic period, the Kshatriya and Brahmin class of Indo-Aryan population
residing in the regions of (present day) Bihar, Bengal, Orissa and Maharashtra
were mocked by their counterparts living in the regions of Kuru-Panchala due to
their unrefined Sanskrit dialect (Prakrit), non following of the expanded
Brahmanic rituals and following of the aboriginal cults such as Shaivism** and
animal worship. Soon they were tagged as Vratyas and the rise of Buddhism,
Jainism very strongly in these regions aggravated the existing difference
between both sections. According to Manu, a twice born (dvijati) produces on a
similar woman (savarna), those who do not observe vrata (sacrifices) and these
people who are not entitled to the sacred thread ceremony are called Vratya. He
listed many tribes present in the society of that time as Vratyas and also
mentioned about few who were even degraded to the level of Shudras or labor
class. In the list, Bhurjakantaka, Avantya, Vatadhana, Pushpadha and Saikha
tribe are listed as Vratya Brahmins. The tribes of Jhallas, Mallas,
Lichchhavis, Natas, Karanas, Khasas and Dravidas are listed as Vratya
Kshatriyas. The tribes of Sudhanva, Acarya, Karusa, Vijanma, Maitra, and
Satvata are listed as Vratya Vaishyas. In addition, 12 tribes are listed as
mlechha (foreign tribes) and that are Paundraka, Audra, Dravida, Kamboja,
Yavana, Saka, Parada (Persians), Pahlava (Parthians), Cina (Chinese), Kirata,
Darada and Khasa. Though Manu listed the major tribes belonging to the Brahmin,
Kshatriya and Vaishya class as Vratya but there were many smaller tribes who
had a similar position in society but not mentioned in the list. To name a few
they could have been the Kshatriya tribes of Mauryas, Shakyas and Koliyas
belonging to the land of Buddha as the dominant Malla and Lichchhavis are
mentioned in the list. Except Vratya Brahmins, who were probably never tagged
as shudras due to following of some rituals of Brahmanism, many tribes
belonging to the Vratyas of Kshatriyas and Vaishyas were slowly tagged as
Shudras in later period. This way Shudra Varna, which was earlier
representative of the labor class and aboriginal human population, also
included the population that was non-follower of Brahmanism faith but belonged
to the warrior and trading classes of Indo-Aryans. This resulted in the birth
of economically rich population within Shudra Varna across Aryavrata.
(** By the time of Manu only three Vedas, namely Rig Veda, Yajur Veda and Sam
Veda, were recognized by the orthodox Brahmins of Kuru-Panchala. Shaivism was
the main component of Atharva which was not recognized as Veda and therefore
unsanctioned rituals for the followers of Brahmanism.)
5.4.4 Degradation of status of Women
Women, who enjoyed equal rights to that of men in the early Vedic period,
started losing their status by the end of the late Vedic period. With the
revival of Brahmanism and compilation of Manusmiriti, Vishnusmiriti and many
other religious texts during the period of 300 BC – 500 AD, the gender
discrimination widened. In Manusmiriti, there are contradictory verses about
the status of woman in society. While certain verses (iii 55, 56, 57, 59, 62)
glorify the position of women, other verses (ix 3, 17) seem to attack the
position and freedom women have. Certain verse (ix 18) discourages the women
from reading the Vedic scriptures while certain verse (ii 240) allows it.
Similar contradictory verses are also observed in relation to the child
marriage (ix 94 and ix 90). Though some verses are contradictory, still most
historians believe that the position of women declined as their status was made
near to menials in the Manusmiriti. Some verses had terrible impacts on the
life of women who are always present in the society as our mother, sister and
spouse. Some quotes of Manusmiriti [11] –
- A man aged thirty years, shall marry a maiden of twelve years who please him
or a man of 24 years of age with girl of 8 years age. (ix 94)
- By a girl, by a young woman or even by an aged one, nothing must be done
independently, even in her own house. (v 147)
- Her father protects her in childhood, her husband protects in youths and her
son protect in old age; a woman is never fit for independence. (ix 3)
- Women have no right to study the Vedas. That is why their sanskaras are
performed without Vedic mantras. Women have no knowledge of religion because
they have no right to know the Vedas. The uttering of the Vedic mantras is
useful for removing sin. As women cannot utter the Vedic mantras, they are as
unclean as the untruth. (ix 18)
- A Brahmin, Kshatriya or Vaishya man can sexually exploit any shudra woman.
(ix 25). Even the killing of a Shudra woman was justified as a minor offence
for the Brahmins; equal to the killing of animals.
For widows and their remarriage, the idea of temporary self-denial and celibacy
as mentioned in the early religious texts were replaced with lifelong
strictures on it. Manusmiriti recognizes the prevalence of widow remarriage in
society by mentioning about punarbhava (ix. 175) as the son of a woman who has
remarried because she has been widowed, abandoned or because she wants to do
so. However it clearly disapproves any such system and verse (ix. 47) asserts
that a daughter should be given away in marriage only once. It also criticizes
the tradition of niyoga by terming it as pashu dharma (animal dharma). The
tradition was prevalent in the society from Vedic period and in it the younger
brother enters into a procreative relationship with the wife of the elder
brother in extreme cases such as his death. It, however, says that if husband
dies after kanyadana, his younger brother should marry her and should unite
with her once in a month till a son is produced (ix 69-70). The text recognizes
the son born out of niyoga relation as kshetraja [12]. When Manusmiriti emerged as the main text regarding social
laws for orthodox Brahmins and Brahmanism, the widow remarriage was completely
abandoned by its followers. Absenteeism of this system in any community became
synonymous for belonging to upper caste in the reformed Varna system. Contrary
to Manu, Sage Vatsayayana Mallanaga describes a widow as sexual object. He
lived during the same period (200 BC to 300 AD) in north India and composed
human sexual behaviors in the form of Kamasutra. According to him, as there is
no regular marriage for the widow, she is exerted to ally herself to a seeker
after pleasures (bhogin) and make the best of her life. He terms widow as
punarbhu i.e. a woman allied to a man for the second time. He places the
punarbhu between a kanya (maiden) and a veshya (prostitute) [13]. Such contradictory thoughts about the life of a widow had a
lasting impact on the upper caste widows especially the child and young widows.
On one side, some of them were forced / influenced to commit sati (self-immolation)
in higher caste of Rajputs / Kshatriyas, then on other side most young widows
of all three upper castes became subject of sexual exploitation, even in the
name of niyoga. It should be remembered that the sati system was advocated as a
noble act for Kshatriya women only. The Brahmin women were protected through
the quotes of Padma Purana in the name of sin occurring due to the killing of a
Brahmin i.e. Brahmahatya.
5.4.5 Religious degradation of Shudras
Till the Mauryan Period, the major population in shudra class was of
karmakaras who were either farmers that used to work on the land for the kings
or the agricultural laborers working on wages. According to Chanakya, they were
to get half amount of the share of a crop if working with their own seeds, oxen’s
and implements and 1/4th part if these were provided to them by kings. The
laborers should get wages or payments or food grains. (This type of arrangement
continued in India till independence and still can be seen in some places.)
However, Manusmiriti attempted to degrade them. It directed them to serve as a
household service to Brahmins and other upper castes. Some verses of
Manusmiriti – [14]
- One should never recite the Vedas in the presence of Shudras. (ix.99)
- As nothing belongs to shudras, Brahmin may take the possession of the
property of shudra with perfect ease. (viii.417)
- No collection of wealth may be made by Shudra even if he is capable of doing
so. When a shudra acquires wealth, it gives pain to Brahmins. (x.129)
- The slayer of a shudra should practice all observations for six months or he
may give to a priest ten white cows and a bull. (xi.127)
- The last part of shudra’s name should mean service. (ii.32)
- Shudras have no right to the work of Dharma. (x.126)
- Shudras should be given food as left over and old cloths and beddings.
(x.125)
Similar to Manusmiriti, other smiritis like Narada smiriti, Vishnu smiriti,
Brihaspati Smriti and Dharma shashtras like Gautam dharmsutra, Vasistha
Dharmsutra and Apstamba dharmsutra place shudras to the lowest in Varna system
and put untouchables outside the Varna system and possibly beyond all symptoms
of humanity. The Aitatreya Brahamna says that ‘the Shudras are servants of
others, to be expelled at will and to be slain at will.’ The position of
Shudras became miserable after composition of all these smiritis and it is
painful to imagine the position of despised castes like Chandalas,
Antayavasayin and Svapakas. The Vratya classes of Kshatriyas and Vaishyas, most
of them were tagged as Shudras in the later period, survived the onslaught of
these Smiritis because of their economically strong position in the society. In
Independent India they form the forward castes within Shudra Varna.
5.4.6 Fixation of Rigid Caste system
The mention of class has been in the Rig Veda (10:90), and since then it
has been repeated in the Satapatha Brahmna (14:4:23) and Taittiriya Brahmna
(1.2.6.7; 3.2; 3.9). The final caste system was put in place after
implementation of the code of conduct of Manusmiriti though non-Sanatani Hindus
(Sants, Nathas, Kabiris, Sikhs) continued to refuse the sanctity of the caste
system. Before Manusmiriti, the Varna system started becoming rigid in the late
Vedic period when the superiority or blood purity concept appeared in certain
tribes belonging to the priestly and warrior occupations. The system became
deeply rooted when these populations started reserving the same occupation for
their future generations. Manusmiriti only justified the already present system
by raising and fixing the position of the Brahmins to supreme in the Varna
ladder through its various clauses. The rigidity of the Varna system further
increased in society when it was sanctified in the newly created old stories
(Puranas) and through introduction of certain quotes in the Bhagavad Geeta. It
should be noted that all these texts were created after Mauryan Empire to
address the challenges standing in front of the orthodox Brahmins and
Brahmanism. Slowly strict restrictions were placed on the intermarriage and
inter-dining between different occupations and faiths and non- following the
same was termed as adharma. The punishment for this adharma was very severe and
the family or the individual was considered out of the Varna system i.e. they
lost their caste and fell into the despised caste category. This way the class
system slowly turned into a rigid caste system and the major driving factor was
social and religious boycott including the fear of punishment from God who is
shown advocating the system through a conversation between Krishna and Arjuna
in the Bhagavad Geeta and in many stories of the Puranas. The severity of the
rigid caste system in terms of interfaith relations can be understood from the
fact that till modern period, the orthodox Brahmin population of the Vaishnava
cult maintained the social distance with the orthodox Brahmin population of
Shaiva cult across southern India, though the same is not observed in northern
India as both faiths collapsed into each other during the Gupta period. Very
similarly, the orthodox Brahmins of both faiths maintained the social distance
with the heterodox or Vratya Brahmins when the latter shifted to contemporary
Hinduism after decline of nastika faiths.
5.5 Limits to implementation of views of Manusmiriti in Indian sub-continent - click here to read
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References:
[8] Kumar, R. (2003). Essay on Indian Society, p. 17. New
Delhi: Discovery.
[9] Jain, K. C. (1991). Lord Mahavira and His Times, p.
238. (Rev.
Ed.). New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
[10] Bandopadhyaya, J. (2007). Class and religion in Ancient
India, p. 163. New Delhi: Anthem.
[11] Gifford, J. & Zezulka-Mailloux, G. (2003). Culture
and The State: Alternative interventions, p. 150. Canada: CRC Humanities
Studio.
[12] Singh, U. (2008). A History of Ancient and Early
Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century, pp. 419-420.
India: Dorling Kindersley.
[13] Sharma, R. P. (1995). Women in Hindu literature, p.
119. New Delhi: Gyan.
[14] Singh, M. (2009). Dalit’s Inheritance in Hindu
Religion, pp. 145-148. New Delhi: Kalpaz.
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Index Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4 Chapter 5 Chapter 6 Chapter 7 Chapter 8 Chapter 9 Chapter 10
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